Boris Nemtsov was born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi. In 1981 he graduated from the faculty of Radio Physics of Gorky State University. After having graduated from the university he worked as a researcher at the Gorky Radio-Physics Research Institute of the Soviet Academy of Sciences (NIRFI), where he wrote his thesis and received PhD in mathematics and physics.
In 1990 he run in the elections to the Supreme Council of Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic representing Gorky district. He participated in Candidates for Democracy coalition and became a deputy.
In 1991 he was authorized representative of Boris Eltsin in Nizhny Novgorod region during the elections of Russian president (Gorky was renamed in Nizhny Novgorod).
In August 1991 he was appointed the president’s representative in the Nizhny Novgorod region. In December he became the governor of the region.
In 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Russian Federation (the upper house of Russia’s parliament).
In December 1995 he was reelected in the post of the head of the region.
In March 1997 he was appointed the first deputy prime-minister of the Russian Federation with responsibility for social welfare, public utilities, building, energy sector and implementation of anti-monopoly policy.
April-November 1997 he was in office of the vice prime-minister and became the minister of energy.
In spring 1998, being the first deputy prime-minister, he got the responsibility for economy and finance.
In August 1998 he was appointed acting vice prime-minister of the Russian Federation. Shortly after he resigned.
In 1998 he founder Young Russia movement, which joined the Union of Right-Forces coalition (SPS) in August 1999.
In December 1999 he was elected to the State Duma representing single-seat electoral district.
In 2000 he became the party leader and headed the list of the SPS.
In 2001-2005 he chaired the federal political council (the party’s national committee) of the Union of Right-Forces party.
In February 2004 he was elected the chairman of the board of directors of Neftyanoy Concern company.
In December 2008 he joined the presidium and the political council of Solidarnost movement.
On September 16, 2010 Nemtsov co-founded together with Mikhail Kasyanov, Vladimir Milov and Vladimir Ryzhkov the party «For Russia without Lawlessness and Corruption».
Kotyusov, A.N., and Nemtsov, B.E., “Acoustic laser” in Akustichesky Zhurnal, Volume 37, Number 1, 1991, 123—129 (in Russian).
Nemtsov, B.E. “Coherent Mechanism of Sound Generation in Vapour Condensation” in «Acta Acustica united with Acustica», Volume 82, Number 1, January/February 1996.
Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland of the 2nd division (1995)
Medal for Strengthening of Brotherhood of Arms (2001)
Russian Orthodox Church Order of Saint Daniel of Moscow of the 1st Class (1996)
Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise of the 5th Class (Ukraine, 2006)
Honorary badge of the Legislative Assembly of the Nizhny Novgorod region “For achievements” (2009)
Nemtsov is a co-author with economist Milov of a number of “expert reports” about Vladimir Putin’s policy as the president of the Russian Federation. An action was brought against him over allegations of libel. The politician organised a number of rallies in support of the right to assembly. The participants were few, but the rallies gained a lot of media coverage.
According to the report of the electoral commission of Sochi, in 2008 Nemtsov earned 183.4 million roubles. He owned a 170 square metre flat and shares of Russian companies.
He is married. To Raisa Akhetovna, his wife, he has a daughter, Zhanna, who studied in New York and participated in actions organised by young Moscow liberals. He has two children to journalist Ekaterina Odintsova - son Anton (1995) and daughter Dina (2002). Nemtsov has daughter Sofia (2004) to his secretary Irina Koroleva who earlier worked in the staff of the president.
The real economic performance of the Nizhny Novgorod region in 1995-1997 did not match with the scope of propagandistic campaign. There were a lot of undertakings, but nothing was carried through. The region did not become a showcase of liberal reform. Famous Nizhny Novgorod fair showed the decay and degradation of agriculture. The standards of living decreased in the region. The insiders of Nizhny Novgorod attribute the fact that the economy of the Nizhny Novgorod region did not face entire collapse not to the governor, but to the work of deputy governor Ivan Sklyarov.
Source: Nizhegorodskiye novosti, N50, 19 March 1999
At the end of April 1992 the chairman of oblsovet (regional legislative body) Evgeny Krestyannikov, who also was in charge of Boris Nemtsov's office in Moscow, signed the decree to establish private Nizhegorodsky Banking House (NBD). Boris Brevnov became the chairman of the board. The bank opened an account for Foundtion for Arms Conversion Assistance. Very soon it turned out that the foundation rendered assistance to the bank.
Nemtsov ordered the enterprises of arms production industry to transfer taxes to the accounts of the foundation. They also provided NBD with financial support through assessed contributions. In June 1992 Nemtsov closed the accounts of the foundation. Tax-payers' money went to the correspondent account of private NBD bank in the payment center of the directorate of the Central Bank of Russian for the Nizhny Novgorod region. These funds were used by Brevnov's firm called Region.
In 1992 Nemtsov introduced Brevnov to Gretchen Wilson, a US citizen and an employee of the International Finance Corporation. In 1997 Brevnov and Wilson married. With the help of Nemtsov Wilson managed to privatize Balakhna Pulp and Paper mill at the knockdown price of just $7m. The enterprise was sucked dry and then sold to CS First Boston bank (the Moscow branch was headed by Boris Jordan). The annual turnover of the mill was reportedly $250m.
CS First Boston bank paid for Nemtsov's trips to Davos. When Nemtsov became a member of the cabinet, his protégé Brevnov was appointed the chairman of the Unified Energy System of Russia JSC.
Source: BusinessWeek Russia, 23 September 2007
In 1998 the authorities tried to hush up the large-scale embezzlement scandal involving Boris Brevnov, the chairman of the Unified Energy System. Boris Nemtsov, who nowadays fights against oligarchs and advocates “popular capitalism”, helped Brevnov avoid allegation of appropriation of the billions of the company’s assets for personal needs.
Source: Promyshlennye vedomosti, 23 April 2009
In 1997 Nemstsov and his former friend, businessman from Nizhny Novgorod Andrey Klimentyev both appealed to the General Procuracy. Nemtsov accused Klimentyev of appropriation of $2m loan. Nizhny Novgorod Court found Klimentyev guilty on a single count. He was sentenced to a year of prison. The term was suspended, Klementyev being released from the court rooms. Later the Supreme Court overturned the decision of the Nizhny Novgorod court and acquitted Klimentyev.
After the court order Klimentyev gathered a press-conference. Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Klimentyev told journalists about Nemtsov’s numerous “transgressions”. Later Klimentyev filed a statement to the Prosecutor General claiming he himself bribed Nemtsov “with the bribes of different amount and number” because he felt he was in “impasse”.
Source: Kommersant, №125 (1307), 05 August 1997
In 1998 Nemtsov granted licence to use GSM 900 frequencies to Impuls design bureau, a subsidiary of VimpelCom, which owns Beeline trademark. Nemtsov said publicly that $30m the company was ready to pay for the permission to use GSM 900 frequencies would be invested in the International Space Station. At the end of 1998 journalists asked the head of Russian Space Agency how much money the Agency had received from the deal Nemtsov fixed. The head of the agency replied – seven million. Dmitry Zorin, the president of VimpelCom, confirmed the fact that his company paid $30m. He showed papers. We have no doubts he told the truth. Where are 23 millions?
Source: Russky Kuryer, 2 February 2005
In 1999 Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the head of Yukos, sponsored the Union of Right Forces. But he gave money only to those politicians who promised not to use other funds. Head of the Union of Right Forces gave such promises. But he was not as good as his word. Nemtsov could not help taking a “present” Alpha-bank. He had more than 20 sources of financing the campaign.
It was impossible to conceal the information. When the head of Yukos learned about Nemtsov’s unscrupulousness he immediately stopped supporting him. Besides that, the media started to draw public attention to Navashinsky fraud scandal and a number of other scandals. The Prosecutor General’s office was asked to interfere and to open criminal investigation into the former governor’s affairs which cost the public and Nizhny Novgorod a lot of money.
Source: Otkrytoe pismo web-site, 2 April 2011
In February 2004 Nemtsov was elected the head of the board of directors of Neftyanoy Concern, which united Neftyanoy design bureau limited liability corporation, a real-estate agency, Ekstra-M macaroni factory, a chain of petrol stations and 3 meat processing factories in Ukraine. Neftyanoy also had a stake in Mail.ru free e-mail service.
In December 2005 the police searched Neftyanoy bank. According to the Prosecutor General’s office, in the basement of the building the agents found banking files and computer servers used for illegal bank transactions. The investigators believed the bank opened settlement and running accounts for different companies, based both in Russia and in off-shores, with billion of roubles turnovers. All transactions and bank account management were carried out by front men. The chief contractor in the deals was Neftyanoy Concern. After that chairman of the board of Neftyanoy Boris Nemtsov announced he was leaving the company to go back to politics.
Source: Vremya novostey, 20 December 2005
According to the reports, in 2004 a number of Russian tycoons met secretly with Boris Berezovsky. Only one dared to have the photo taken with him – Boris Nemtsov.
Nemtsov (at the time – Rosinter restaurant chain CEO) and Igor Malashenko were the only delegates who visited Boris Berezovsky. In Berezovsky’s office they sipped delicious cognac, discussed the fate of “disgraced oligarch” from Yukos, recalling happy 90s.
Source: Moskovsky komsomolets, 6 April 2004
In July 2009 Nemtsov sued former head of Rosvooruzheniye arms production company Aleksandr Kotelkin for not paying him a $700,000 debt. Kotelkin, who chairs two foundations – “Svayz Pokoleniy” or the Link Between Generations (for rendering assistance to veterans and for support of patriotic education) and religious “Friends of Valaam”. In March 2008 Nemtsov lent Kotelkin $700,000 until March 2009, but Kotelkin did not pay. Nemtsov filed a suit in Nikulinsky Court of Moscow’s Western Administrative Circuit.
Source: Kommersant, №165 (4220), 8 September 2009
In 2010 the 5th inspection of the Federal Tax Service of Russia for Moscow brought in an action against Nemtsov who did not pay taxes for his 170 square metre flat in an elite residential block of Malaya Ordynka neighbourhood in the centre of Moscow. After having dwelt in the flat for several years Nemtsov stopped paying taxes which were just 8204.06 roubles ($280) a year. Nemtsov had permanent arrears of rent, and when after cadastral assessment of the price of the flat, the rent rose by 1 thousand roubles, he stopped paying at all.
Source: Marker, 24 September 2010
In 2011 Andrey Belyakov, the State Duma deputy, filed an official request to Prosecutor General Yury Chaika, asking to check the funds of a new party called «For Russia without Lawlessness and Corruption» founded by Nemtsov. According to Russian law, the political party can not get financial support from abroad. He demanded the financial affairs of Nemtsov’s party checked with scrutiny. Belyakov’s suspicions might have grounds in a view of the unusual criticism of Nemtsov’s arrest from the West: the arrest was condemned by senators John McCain and Joe Liberman and official representative of the US National Security Council Mike Hammer.
Source: Vek, 8 April 2011